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Dòng
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Nội dung
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1
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Building verbs in Chuj : Consequences for the nature of roots / Jess Ica Coon.
// Journal of Linguistics Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019 2019.p. 35-81. This paper offers an in-depth look at roots and verb stem morphology in Chuj (Mayan)
in order to address a larger question: when it comes to the formation of verb stems, what
information is contributed by the root, and what is contributed by the functional heads? I
show first that roots in Chuj are not acategorical in the strict sense (cf. Borer 2005), but must
be grouped into classes based on their stem-forming possibilities. Root class does not map
directly to surface lexical category, but does determine which functional heads (i.e. valence
morphology) may merge with the root. Second, I show that while the introduction of the
external argument, along with clausal licensing and agreement generally, are all governed
by higher functional heads, the presence or absence of an internal argument is dictated by
the root. Specifically, I show that transitive roots in Chuj always combine with an internal
argument, whether it be (i) a full DP, (ii) a bare pseudo-incorporated NP, or (iii) an implicit
object in an antipassive. In the spirit of work such as Levinson (2007, 2014), I connect this
to the semantic type of the root; root class reflects semantic type, and semantic type affects
the root’s combinatorial properties. This work also contributes to the discussion of how
valence morphology operates. In line with works such as Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou &
Schäfer (2006), I argue that valence morphology applies directly to roots, rather than to
some ‘inherent valence’ of a verb.
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2
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Building verbs in Chuj : Consequences for the nature of roots / Jessica Coon.
// Journal of Linguistics 2019, Issue 1 2019.p. 35-81. This paper offers an in-depth look at roots and verb stem morphology in Chuj (Mayan) in order to address a larger question: when it comes to the formation of verb stems, what information is contributed by the root, and what is contributed by the functional heads? I show first that roots in Chuj are not acategorical in the strict sense (cf. Borer 2005), but must be grouped into classes based on their stem-forming possibilities. Root class does not map directly to surface lexical category, but does determine which functional heads (i.e. valence morphology) may merge with the root. Second, I show that while the introduction of the external argument, along with clausal licensing and agreement generally, are all governed by higher functional heads, the presence or absence of an internal argument is dictated by the root. Specifically, I show that transitive roots in Chuj always combine with an internal argument, whether it be (i) a full DP, (ii) a bare pseudo-incorporated NP, or (iii) an implicit object in an antipassive. In the spirit of work such as Levinson (2007, 2014), I connect this to the semantic type of the root; root class reflects semantic type, and semantic type affects the root’s combinatorial properties. This work also contributes to the discussion of how valence morphology operates. In line with works such as Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Schäfer (2006), I argue that valence morphology applies directly to roots, rather than to some ‘inherent valence’ of a verb.
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3
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L’opposition actif vs. déponent et la persistance du moyen en latin. / Marini Emanuela.
// Langages. 2014, Vol. 194. 2014p. 49-61. Dans le corpus imposant des verbes déponents latins, des données se distinguent par leur alternance systématique actif-déponent. Ce sont certaines paires de verbes (par ex. adsentio-adsentior ‘j’approuve’-‘je suis d’accord avec’ et erro-palor ‘j’erre’) et la classe des verbes composés en -fico/-ficor, dans lesquelles l’opposition actif vs déponent présente une pertinence syntaxique et/ou sémantique. On interprète le déponent de cette opposition comme ayant une fonction antipassive et donc une fonction moyenne, selon la définition de La Fauci (1988). On replace ainsi le moyen dans le domaine du déponent latin, en revalorisant son opposition à l’actif et on retient dans la langue accusative qu’est le latin, un trait syntaxique propre aux langues ergatives.
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从罗曼语和斯拉夫语看“给”的句法功能 = The Syntactic Function of Gei from the Perspective of Romance and Slavic Languages / 叶狂； 潘海华；YE Kuang;PAN Haihua.
// Contemporary linnguistics. 2016, Vol. 18, No.3. 2016.354-367 p. 罗曼语族和斯拉夫语族的SE一词是一个功能兼容附缀,可以标记多种句式,如逆动句、反致使句、非人称句以及中动句,这些句式的直接宾语都以非宾格形式出现。在此视角下,本文认为现代汉语动词前的"给"类似于SE,是一个典范附缀,可以标记逆动、被动和两种中动句式,还可以出现在"被、把"共现句、动词拷贝句、焦点句以及"V得"句。这八类句式都涉及动词直接(底层)宾语的离位和前置,"给"因此可以统一为谓语动词所带的宾语离位前置标记,离位类似于失去宾格宾语,但前置是汉语的独特之处。文章还认为,宾语前置只是允准"给"出现的必要条件,而非充分条件,因为动词语义也会影响"给"的出现与否。
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