Dòng Nội dung
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Cấu trúc của phát ngôn ngữ vi Nhờ trong tiếng Hán hiện đại ( đối chiếu với tiếng Việt) / Nguyễn Thị Hảo. // Ngôn ngữ và đời sống 2015, Số 10 (240).
2015
94-100 tr.

The speaker of "speech acts of favour-asking" often uses one performative utterance with one core element - the performative expression and one or some extension elements. this paper analyzes and compares the structure of performative utterance of favour-asking in Chinese and Vietnamese with the aim of identifying the similarities and differences between those thats should be paid utmost attention in translation and language teaching.

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Computer design and architecture / Sajjan G. Shiva.
Boston : Little, Brown, c1985.
xvi, 489 p. : ill. ; 25 cm.



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Future obligations / Pablo Fuentes // Journal of Linguistics Volume 56 , Issue 3, 01 August 2020
United States : Cambridge University Press, 2020
p. 601 - 628

This article reflects on a double interpretation of English constructions containing the combined expression will have to. As I will show, illocutions involving sentences of the type ‘NP will have to VP’ can be interpreted as either (i) predicting future enforcing circumstances that trigger a future obligation or (ii) reporting such circumstances as currently in force at speech time. Once I sketch the different semantic elements at play in a Kratzerian framework, I cast doubt on some current views on the so-called modal–tense interaction. As I will show, one way to fully account for the availability of both readings is by assuming a semantic temporal underspecification as to when the triggering circumstances in the conversational background are initially in force. This raises important theoretical caveats for semantic analyses in the field, particularly for those that equate the semantics of the future with prediction. As the article shows, such a widespread assumption can be contended by a dynamic account of obligational ascriptions, according to which their different illocutionary forces can be derived from the contextual change potential of its primitive (and admittedly underspecified) future semantics. Ultimately, the paper voices support for the view that future semantics must not be equated with prediction.