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Arbitrating repression: language policy and education in Arizona / Eric J. Johnson
// Language and education 2012, Vol26, N.5 2012p. 53-76 In 2000, voters in the US state of Arizona passed Proposition 203 English for the Children, effectively abolishing bilingual education services in favor of a submersion approach termed Sheltered English Immersion. In this discussion, I use an ethnographic lens to highlight the logistical complexities involved in the negotiation of restrictive educational language policies between macro levels of development, meso levels of interpretation and micro levels of educational application. By looking at language policy as a sociocultural process, I reveal how Arizona’s anti-bilingual education policy has unfolded across various levels of bureaucracy and been enacted in schools where the majority of students come from an immigrant background. Specifically, the current study explores how Proposition 203 has affected patterns of language use in predominantly language-minority classrooms by illustrating the influence of key policy arbiters within politically repressive environments
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English as an additional language pupils: how long does it take to acquire English fluency? / Feyisa Demie.
// Language and education 2013, Vol27, N.1 2013p. 59-69 Policy-makers and mainstream teachers have long been concerned with the best way to help English as an additional language (EAL) pupils to learn English. Yet very little empirical work has examined the time it takes EAL pupils to become fully fluent in English in Britain. The key question posed in this research, therefore, is: how long does it take to acquire English fluency for EAL pupils? The empirical data for the study consisted of EAL pupils’ longitudinal assessment data on the stages of fluency in English from Year 6 to Year 11. The main finding of this study suggests that it takes about 5-7 years on average to acquire academic English proficiency. However, the speed of English language acquisition varies between stages of levels of English. On average, pupils are classified at Stage 1 (beginner) for about a year and a half, before moving to becoming familiar with English (Stage 2), where they typically remain for about two years. It takes about another two-and-a-half years at Stage 3 (becoming confident in English) before they can then be classified as fully fluent. Policy and research implications are discussed critically in the final section
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Exploring bilinguals’ social use of language inside and out of the minority language classroom / Bo Hi Mon Thomas and Dylan Bryn Roberts
// Language and education 2011, Vol25, N.2 2011p. 89-108 This paper examines bilingual children’s use of language inside and out of the minority language classroom. A total of 145 children between 8 and 11 years of age, attending 16 bilingual Welsh-English primary schools in North Wales, responded to questionnaires (supplemented by classroom observations) requesting information about their language backgrounds, their use of language at school (inside and out of the classroom) and in the wider community, their self-ratings about their linguistic competence in Welsh and in English and their attitudes towards Welsh and English and towards bilingualism per se. Whilst the results, in general, demonstrated a positive attitude towards bilingualism, there was a clear trend towards favouring the use of English outside the classroom. This pattern was mediated by language experiences and perceived language abilities within the individual. The implications of the findings for language policy and planning in education and in minority situations are discussed
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Exploring New York City elementary school principals’ language ideologies / Pedro J. De La Cruz Albizu
// Language and Education Volume 34, 2020 - Issue 6 United Kingdom : Routledge, 2020p. 503-519 School principals are street-level bureaucrats whose sense-making about language policies makes them de-facto policy makers. In turn, their language policy-making is mediated by their language ideologies and contexts. Using a case study methodological framework, this article explores the language ideologies of 11 New York City elementary school principals with high numbers of Emergent Bilinguals. It attempts to answer Ruiz’ call to make language ideologies clear and obvious in order to provide the level of transparency needed to enlighten the process of language policy creation and practice (Ruiz 1984). Analyses of the participating principals’ narratives revealed the existence of three different language ideologies: Resource Instrumental Mobility (RIM), Resource Integrative Democratic (RID), and Language as a Problem (LAP). This paper is an exploration of the RIM and RID language ideologies, which consider language as a resource, but do so for intrinsically different reasons. Thus, the findings expand on Ruiz’ (1984) Orientations in Language Planning by complicating and providing nuance to the concept of Language-as-Resource.
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