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Dòng
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Nội dung
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Liaisons « non marquées » de prédications dans l’accroche publicitaire 1 / Silvia Adler.
// Langages. 2015, Vol.200. 2015p. 121-136. L’objectif de cette contribution est de corréler l’impact persuasif de l’accroche publicitaire à son format syntaxique, voire à un schéma où la relation entre prédications adjacentes est non matérialisée. Quatre questions seront débattues : (i) celle de savoir pourquoi les accroches publicitaires privilégient les liaisons non marquées entre prédications ; (ii) celle de savoir comment se concrétise le non-marquage du mode de liaison ; (iii) celle de savoir si le nonmarquage de la liaison doit s’expliquer par une ellipse et donc par un emboîtement hypotaxique sous-jacent ; (iv) celle, finalement, concernant les avantages, au niveau de la transmission du message, de la structure syntaxique condensée.
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vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms.
// Journal of Linguistics Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019 2019.p.161-214. In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that
they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not
have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence
for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the
availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we
show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting
with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose
that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two
constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving
spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts
movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules
out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation
analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in
limited circumstances.
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vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms.
// Journal of Linguistics Vol. 55, Issue 1 2019.p.161-214 In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
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