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Accorder ou non : Un choix difficile. Une étude des constructions Tough en roumain dans une perspective comparative / Ion Giurgea, Elena Soare
// Langages nº 218 (2/2020) France : Armand Colin, 2020p.39-51 Cet article est dédié au problème de l’accord dans les constructions Tough (Tough constructions – TC). Parmi les langues romanes, le roumain est la seule à ne pas accorder le prédicat tough et à utiliser une autre forme non-finie que l’infinitif dans la TC. L’article passe en revue certains problèmes rencontrés par les analyses antérieures et choisit une analyse alternative, puis aborde une généralisation empirique selon laquelle une condition nécessaire de l’absence d’accord du prédicat tough est l’absence d’une distinction morphologique entre adjectif et adverbe. Les langues mentionnées sont le roumain et d’autres langues romanes, ainsi que l’allemand, le néerlandais, l’albanais, l’arabe, le russe et l’islandais.
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Adverbial and attributive modification of Persian separable light verb constructions / Jens Fleischhauer, Mozhgan Neisani
// Journal of Linguistics Volume 65, Issue 1, February 2020 United Kingdom : Cambridge University Press, 2020p.45 - 85 Persian makes extensive use of light verb constructions (LVCs) consisting of a non-verbal preverb and a semantically light verbal element. The current paper concentrates on LVCs with nominal preverbs (e.g. sedâ dâdan ‘produce a sound’, lit. ‘sound give’) which license an attributively used adjective intervening between the two components of the construction. Such LVCs are idiomatically combining expressions, in the sense of Nunberg, Sag & Wasow (1994: 496). The individual components of idiomatically combining expressions have an identifiable meaning and combine in a non-arbitrary way. Thus, they are conceived as being formed compositionally. Evidence for this view can be taken from the fact that the attributively used adjectives function as internal modifiers, targeting only the nominal component of the LVC.
As adjectives can also be used adverbially, two modification patterns emerge: The nominal preverb is modified by an attributive modifier, or the same adjective can be used as an adverbial modifier of the whole LVC. Two corresponding interpretation patterns arise: Attributive and adverbial modification either both result in the same, or in different interpretations.
The paper makes the following claims: First, only compositionally derived LVCs license attributive modification of their nominal preverb; and second, different interpretations of the two modification patterns only result if the light verb and the preverb each license a suitable property as a target for the modifier. If, on the other hand, such a property is only licensed by the preverb, adverbial and attributive modification result in the same interpretation.
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