- Bài trích
- Nhan đề: Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic : Evidence from Guébie /
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Tác giả CN
| Sande, Hannah | |
Nhan đề
| Phonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic : Evidence from Guébie / Hannah Sande. | |
Thông tin xuất bản
| 2019. | |
Mô tả vật lý
| p. 831-878 | |
Tóm tắt
| This paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component. | |
Thuật ngữ chủ đề
| Nghiên cứu ngôn ngữ-Âm vị học-TVĐHHN. | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Cú pháp | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Phonology | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Cấu trúc câu | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Syntax | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Guébie | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Concord | |
Từ khóa tự do
| Âm vị học | |
Nguồn trích
| Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 4/2019 |
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| 100 | 0 |aSande, Hannah |
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| 245 | 10|aPhonologically determined nominal concord as post-syntactic : Evidence from Guébie / |cHannah Sande. |
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| 260 | |c2019. |
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| 300 | |ap. 831-878 |
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| 520 | |aThis paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component. |
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| 650 | 17|aNghiên cứu ngôn ngữ|xÂm vị học|2TVĐHHN. |
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| 653 | 0 |aCú pháp |
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| 653 | 0 |aPhonology |
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| 653 | 0 |aCấu trúc câu |
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| 653 | 0 |aSyntax |
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| 653 | 0 |aGuébie |
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| 653 | 0 |aConcord |
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| 653 | 0 |aÂm vị học |
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| 773 | |tJournal of Linguistics|gVol. 55, Issue 4/2019 |
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| 890 | |a0|b0|c0|d0 |
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