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Record your Agree : A case study of the Arabic complementizer Pinn / Marwan Jarrah // Journal of Linguistics Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019
2019.
p. 83-122.

This research investigates the morpho-syntactic behaviour of the Arabic complementizer Pinn in a range of Arabic varieties (Modern Standard Arabic, Jordanian Arabic, and Lebanese Arabic). It essentially argues that this complementizer SHARES (not DONATES or KEEPS, pace Ouali 2008, 2011) its unvalued φ-features with its complement T0 , something that makes Pinn and T0 separate agreeing heads. An inflectional suffix attached to Pinn is treated as a PF reflex (i.e. an overt morphological realization) of valuation of Pinn’s unvalued φ-features or lack thereof. This research also argues that the occurrence of such an inflectional suffix is ruled by the postulated AGREE CHAIN RECORD, an interface condition that demands an Agree relation to have a PF reflex, called a RECORD (i.e. an overt Case marking on the goal or, if not, a φ-affix on the probe). This way, we account for the complementary distribution of overt Case and φ-Agree in Arabic. We also show how a host of other phenomena, including word order agreement asymmetries in Modern Standard Arabic and lack of such asymmetries in Arabic vernaculars, fares well with this view.

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Record your Agree : A case study of the Arabic complementizer ʔinn / Marwan Jarrah // Journal of Linguistics Vol. 55, Issue 1
2019.
p. 83-122.

This research investigates the morpho-syntactic behaviour of the Arabic complementizer ʔinn in a range of Arabic varieties (Modern Standard Arabic, Jordanian Arabic, and Lebanese Arabic). It essentially argues that this complementizer shares (not donates or keeps, pace Ouali 2008, 2011) its unvalued -features with its complement , something that makes ʔinn and separate agreeing heads. An inflectional suffix attached to ʔinn is treated as a PF reflex (i.e. an overt morphological realization) of valuation of ʔinn’s unvalued -features or lack thereof. This research also argues that the occurrence of such an inflectional suffix is ruled by the postulated Agree Chain Record, an interface condition that demands an Agree relation to have a PF reflex, called a Record (i.e. an overt Case marking on the goal or, if not, a -affix on the probe). This way, we account for the complementary distribution of overt Case and -Agree in Arabic. We also show how a host of other phenomena, including word order agreement asymmetries in Modern Standard Arabic and lack of such asymmetries in Arabic vernaculars, fares well with this view.
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vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms. // Journal of Linguistics Vol. 55, Issue 1
2019.
p.161-214

In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.