• Bài trích
  • vP-fronting with and without remnant movement /

Tác giả CN Thoms, Gary
Nhan đề vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p.161-214.
Tóm tắt In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
Đề mục chủ đề Linguistics--vP-fronting constructions in English
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Ellipsis
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Reconstruction
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Remnant movement
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Linearization
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát vP-fronting
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019
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24510|avP-fronting with and without remnant movement / |cGary Thoms.
260|c2019.
300|ap.161-214.
520|aIn this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
65014|aLinguistics|xvP-fronting constructions in English
6530|aEllipsis
6530|aReconstruction
6530|aRemnant movement
6530|aLinearization
6530|avP-fronting
7730 |tJournal of Linguistics|gVol. 55- Issue 1/2019
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