Tác giả CN
| Thoms, Gary |
Nhan đề
| vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms. |
Thông tin xuất bản
| 2019. |
Mô tả vật lý
| p.161-214. |
Tóm tắt
| In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that
they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not
have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence
for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the
availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we
show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting
with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose
that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two
constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving
spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts
movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules
out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation
analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in
limited circumstances.
|
Đề mục chủ đề
| Linguistics--vP-fronting constructions in English |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Ellipsis |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Reconstruction |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Remnant movement |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Linearization |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| vP-fronting |
Nguồn trích
| Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55- Issue 1/2019 |
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245 | 10|avP-fronting with and without remnant movement / |cGary Thoms. |
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260 | |c2019. |
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300 | |ap.161-214. |
---|
520 | |aIn this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that
they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not
have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence
for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the
availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we
show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting
with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose
that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two
constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving
spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts
movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules
out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation
analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in
limited circumstances.
|
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650 | 14|aLinguistics|xvP-fronting constructions in English |
---|
653 | 0|aEllipsis |
---|
653 | 0|aReconstruction |
---|
653 | 0|aRemnant movement |
---|
653 | 0|aLinearization |
---|
653 | 0|avP-fronting |
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773 | 0 |tJournal of Linguistics|gVol. 55- Issue 1/2019 |
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