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  • Bài trích
  • vP-fronting with and without remnant movement /
Tác giả CN Thoms, Gary
Nhan đề vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms.
Thông tin xuất bản 2019.
Mô tả vật lý p.161-214
Tóm tắt In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
Đề mục chủ đề Tiếng Anh--Ngữ pháp--TVĐHHN.
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Ellipsis
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Ngữ pháp
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Reconstruction
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Complementizer agreement
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Linearization
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Tuyến tính
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Cấu trúc
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát Tiếng Anh
Nguồn trích Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 1
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039|a20200413145216|btult|y20200401153324|zthuvt
0410 |aenk
044|aeng
1001 |aThoms, Gary
24510|avP-fronting with and without remnant movement / |cGary Thoms.
260|c2019.
300|ap.161-214
520|aIn this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.
65017|aTiếng Anh|xNgữ pháp|2TVĐHHN.
6530 |aEllipsis
6530 |aNgữ pháp
6530 |aReconstruction
6530 |aComplementizer agreement
6530 |aLinearization
6530 |aTuyến tính
6530|aCấu trúc
6530|aTiếng Anh
773|tJournal of Linguistics|gVol. 55, Issue 1
890|a0|b0|c0|d0

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