Tác giả CN
| Thoms, Gary |
Nhan đề
| vP-fronting with and without remnant movement / Gary Thoms. |
Thông tin xuất bản
| 2019. |
Mô tả vật lý
| p.161-214 |
Tóm tắt
| In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances. |
Đề mục chủ đề
| Tiếng Anh--Ngữ pháp--TVĐHHN. |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Ellipsis |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Ngữ pháp |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Reconstruction |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Complementizer agreement |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Linearization |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Tuyến tính |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Cấu trúc |
Thuật ngữ không kiểm soát
| Tiếng Anh |
Nguồn trích
| Journal of Linguistics- Vol. 55, Issue 1 |
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044 | |aeng |
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100 | 1 |aThoms, Gary |
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245 | 10|avP-fronting with and without remnant movement / |cGary Thoms. |
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260 | |c2019. |
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300 | |ap.161-214 |
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520 | |aIn this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances. |
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650 | 17|aTiếng Anh|xNgữ pháp|2TVĐHHN. |
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653 | 0 |aEllipsis |
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653 | 0 |aNgữ pháp |
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653 | 0 |aReconstruction |
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653 | 0 |aComplementizer agreement |
---|
653 | 0 |aLinearization |
---|
653 | 0 |aTuyến tính |
---|
653 | 0|aCấu trúc |
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653 | 0|aTiếng Anh |
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773 | |tJournal of Linguistics|gVol. 55, Issue 1 |
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890 | |a0|b0|c0|d0 |
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